There are Muslim groups in the world that tend to portray global Islamic activism in a negative light. The notion of global Islamic activism has at times been linked to the revival of the Islamic Caliphate as espoused by certain fundamentalists. Some radicals have had noted trends in globalism calling not only for the return of the Caliphate but also the final 'War to end all Wars' and their own exclusive ideas of rejuvenation of Islam in all its plenitude and authenticity. Utilizing such notion of Muslim globalism, they created a dichotomy of 'Us versus Them' - ‘us’ being the Muslim World and 'them' being the Non-Muslim World. It is then predicted in the fashion of Samuel Huntington that there will be a clash between the Islamic civilization and Western civilization.

However, the current and genuine alternative of globalization of Islam has created a most reconstructive movement advocating the reinterpretation of the Islamic message in the light of contemporary realities. Such a movement is active in the development of education, alleviating poverty and creating inter-faith dialogues with other communities around the globe.

The best example in this context that I want to give in this writing is the movement inspired and associated with the name of modern Muslim scholar and enlightened reformer ,Fethullah Gulen. I doubt if, as recently as 10-15 years ago, most of us had ever heard the name of Fethullah Gulen or of the predominant group of young Muslims who make up the service community (Hizmet Movement) today. This community has over 1000 schools, so called "Gulen Schools", including six universities, and operates in over 100 countries. In addition to their schools, they are the main inspiration behind dialogue institutes such as the Rumi Forum, a dialogue institute which has over 40 counterparts in the United States alone, as well as other throughout Western and Easter Europe, Australia, Southeast Asia, and Africa.

The Hizmet movement inherited its commitment to interreligious dialogue and cooperation from the Nur- movement and the writings of an earlier Muslim reformer, Bediüzzaman Said Nursi (1877-1960) from Turkey , but this commitment has been renewed and given a new and further impetus in the writings and practice of Fethullah Gülen. In his speech in 1999 at the Parliament of the World’s Religions in Capetown, Gülen presented an optimistic vision of interreligious global harmony: “It is my conviction that in the future years, the new millennium will witness unprecedented religious blooming and the followers of world religions, such as Muslims, Christians, Jews, Buddhists, Hindus and others, will walk hand-in-hand to build a promised bright future of the world.”

Gulen, who is now 69-year-old, began his career in 1953 as an Islamic educator in a government school in Turkey. In 1958, he took up a teaching at a mosque in Edirne and was then transferred to the city of Izmir. His ideas had initially spread among the grassroots that were supporting him and subsequently he gained official Turkish national prominence during the premiership of Turgut Ozal (a high level civil servant and politician, who was Prime Minister of Turkey from 1983 to 1989 and President of Turkey from 1989 to 1993. As Prime Minister, he transformed the economy of Turkey by paving the way for the privatization of many state enterprises).

Having emerged from a traditional Islamic background, Gulen has sought to link the inheritance of Islam with the modern, globalized world. Since Nursi’s time, this social movement is close to a century in the making and aims at transforming the way Islamic thought relates to the imperatives of modern society. A force for guided, religiously inspired modernization with long-term legal, political, social, educational, and economic implications, it promotes a revitalized form of Islamic thought that is wedded simultaneously to traditional Muslim practice and to the scientific, technical, and industrial methods that have so clearly lifted the material level of Western society (Gülen 1998).Allama Muammad Iqbal ( 1877 - 1938), a great poet-philosopher and active political leader of Indo-Pakistan subcontinent, has had similar ideas like Said Nursi and Fethullah Gulen on the revival of Islamic thought that never materialized in that region after his death in 1938 and Muhammad Ali Jinnah’s early demise in 1948 soon after Pakistan’s creation in 1947.Allama Iqbal’s several published works, still remain a guide in the process of current and ongoing reformation movements in the Muslim word. Iqbal was a contemporary of Said Nursi but they never met or communicated with each other. I believe, Fethullah Gulen has read some of Iqbal’s writings and has always admired Iqbalian thought.
To Gulen, Islam is composed of the main, unchanging principles found in the Quran and the Sunnah (the sayings and practice of Prophet Muhammad pbuh). Islam today in not monolithic and exists in different forms that are also open to different interpretations including one espoused by the practice of Sufi Islam. Regardless of internal differences, true Islam is inherently open and tolerant religion, and Gulen advocates acceptance and dialogue with the non-Muslim communities. To demonstrate this notion of tolerance, Gulen himself had met important Christian and Jewish religious leaders including the Pope Paul, Chief Rabbi of Israel and the Patriarch of the Greek Orthodox Church to promote inter-faith dialogue. In addition, he most importantly also advocates internal dialogue among Muslims to eliminate sectarian conflicts and chaos in the Muslim world.
Another interesting feature of Gulen's ideas is his belief that it is unIslamic for Muslims to advocate the formation of an Islamic state. He believes that Muslims must support and be active participants of democracy and a free-market economy, so as to align themselves with the mainstream global and humane processes. In accordance with his opposition to an Islamic state, he also does not favor the state applying or imposing Islamic law. He points out that most Islamic regulations affect Muslims in the private and public sphere and that only a small segment of them concerns the state and government and these provisions need not be enforced. He urged Muslims to focus on the more important aspects of modern life such as education and inter-faith dialogue which are seen to be more relevant in the current global context.Democracy, Gülen argues, in spite of its many shortcomings, is now the only viable political system, and people should strive to modernize and consolidate democratic institutions in order to build a society where individual rights and freedoms are respected and protected, where equal opportunity for all is more than a dream.
Gulen’s ideas on Islamic thought and practice are powerfully reinforced by Abdullah Ahmed An-Na’im, Charles Howard Candler Professor of Law at Emory University Law School in USA. An internationally recognized scholar of Islam and human rights, and human rights in cross-cultural perspectives, Professor An-Na'im teaches courses in human rights, religion, Islamic law, and criminal law. His research interests also include constitutionalism in Islamic and African countries, and Islam and politics. He directs several research projects which focus on advocacy strategies for reform through internal cultural transformation in the Muslim countries.
What should be the place of Shari ‘a—Islamic religious law—in predominantly Muslim societies of the world? In An-Naim’s ambitious and topical works, An-Na‘im1 envisions a positive and sustainable role for Shari ‘a, based on a profound rethinking of the relationship between civic religion and the secular state in all Muslim societies.
An-Na‘im argues that the coercive enforcement of Shari ‘a by the state betrays the Qur’an’s insistence on voluntary acceptance of Islam. Just as the state should be secure from the misuse of religious authority, Shari ‘a should be freed from the control of the state. State policies or legislation must be based on civic reasons accessible to citizens of all religions. Showing that throughout the history of Islam, Islam and the state have normally been separate except for a recent experiment in Iran. An-Na‘im maintains that ideas of human rights and citizenship are more consistent with Islamic principles than with claims of a supposedly Islamic state to enforce Shari ‘a. In fact, he suggests, the very idea of an “Islamic state” is based on European ideas of state and law, and not Shari ‘a or the Islamic tradition. Bold, pragmatic, and deeply rooted in Islamic history and theology, Islam and the Secular State by an- Na‘im in today’s world still offers a workable future for the place of Shari ‘a in Muslim societies.
If the rejectionists Muslims disdain Western political arrangements, the revivalists’ intellectuals have open mind and they study the Western thought and political experiences to see if what they learn can be of help in facilitating tolerant, consensual, and pluralistic politics of their own countries.
The divides are not between Islam and western society, the divide is between people who have different values. We must promote connections between people who want to contribute to universal human values. People who share that commitment can collaborate across cultural divides as emphasized both by Gulen and An-Naim. Many in the West even to this day see a clash between secularists and Islamists in the Muslim world, but it is most certainly an issue of democratic versus western backed authoritarian politics... The Turkish government (of AK party) for example is working with the EU, US and Israel independently on the issues that it sees as in its own national interest. Turkish political party (AKP) has had Islamic roots.
In his speeches and writings Gülen envisions a twenty-first century in which we shall witness the birth of a spiritual dynamic that will revitalize long-dormant moral values; an age of tolerance, understanding, and international cooperation that will ultimately lead, through intercultural dialogue and a sharing of universal values, to a single, inclusive global civilization. In the field of education, he has spearheaded the establishment of many charitable organizations to work for the welfare of the communities, both within Turkey and around the world. He has inspired the use of mass media, notably television, to inform the public, of matters of pressing concern to them, individually and collectively.
Gülen believes the road to justice for all is dependent on the provision of an adequate and appropriate universal education. Only then will there be sufficient understanding and tolerance to secure respect for the rights of others. To this end, he has, over the years, encouraged the social and community leaders, powerful industrialists as well as small businessmen, to support quality education. With donations from these sources, educational trusts have been able to establish numerous schools, both in Turkey and around the world.
Gülen has stated that in the modern world the only way to get others to accept your ideas is by persuasion. He describes those who resort to force as being intellectually bankrupt; people will always demand freedom of choice in the way they run their affairs and in their expression of their spiritual and religious values.
In line with Gulen's vision, those who are inspired by him have travelled around the world and created hundreds of modern highly-regarded schools worldwide. These schools first emerged in Turkey and in the neighboring Central Asian countries but are now established in South and Southeast Asia, Africa, Europe, Australia and USA. In Western Europe they have built community centers and student hostels to provide support for students studying in the mainstream or public education system. Financing of the schools is secured for the most part by complimentary contributions from Turkish businessmen (close to 2000 of them) who have chosen to support this movement and view it as their Islamic duty to do so.
Despite being inspired by Gulen's ideas, none of these schools bear his name or are registered under his name. Rather, these schools are registered under the name of individual businessman or foundations. The curricula of these schools do not have any Islamic content and often follow the national curriculum of the country but is often imbued with a strong emphasis on wholesome human values. Scholarships are made easily available for talented pupils who cannot afford the school fees. These schools invariably follow the national curriculum, even in countries where private schools may be exempt from such a requirement. They tend to have premium English language departments and small classroom sizes.
A Jesuit priest, Thomas Michel has noted the pluralist nature of the students in the Gulen schools. For instance, Buddhists and Hindus account for a significant portion of the student community in Kyrgyzstan, a Muslim majority country. At the Sebat International School, a school runs by the movement in the Kyrgyz capital Bishkek, students from the United States, South Korea, and Turkey appeared to be studying comfortably with those coming from Afghanistan and Iran. Turkish writer, Neval Sevindi, also points to the success of the movement in blocking the educational activities of extremist Muslim groups in Tajikistan, as the general masses prefer the schools of the Gulen movement.
In Southeast Asia, the group has started schools in virtually all the Southeast Asian countries. Interestingly, the movement started a school in Cambodia in the late 1990s, when the country was just recovering from its historical turmoil. And when the tsunami had hit various parts of
Southeast Asia, the movement was in the forefront in relief efforts and even built a school, the Fetah High School for orphans in Banda Aceh, started by businessmen and teachers who had earlier started a school in Jakarta. As in other parts of the world, the schools in the region also emphasize the need for inter-faith dialogue and tolerance throughout society. This is also practiced in the schools. This is much needed in a region where literacy rates are low and religious conflicts are constant features. The effectiveness of the Gulen movement lies in its ability to provide high standards of education to the local populace. Besides being set up by Turkish entrepreneurs and inspired by Gulen, these schools across the world have very little in common. Gulen schools in various parts of the world strive to teach the national curriculum of the country to their students. Dedicated and specially trained Turkish teachers spend extra hours after regular curriculum time providing complimentary academic assistance to their students. These sessions also provide platforms for character building when teachers are themselves character models and examples to the students.
The Gulen movement is an example of a transnational global social activism that is making a positive impact on the rest of the world. Gulen's adherence to a humanistic and peaceful Islam has not only impacted Muslims but also non-Muslims. As seen from the example of the group in Tajikistan, the activities of his activism can also serve as a counter to the ideologies of extremist Muslims. As such, movements like the Gulen should be supported and the formation of similar groups encouraged.
The recent extraordinary interest in activities by and related to the Gülen movement leads many to think about civic engagement and its efficacy and success. Civic engagement is extremely vital for improving and enhancing conditions in any contemporary democracy. It means promoting the quality of life in a community through both political and non-political processes. It means working to make a difference in the civic life of our communities. It develops a combination of knowledge, skills, values and motivation to make that difference.
This kind of empowerment developed mostly outside of and beyond partisan politics. It helps foster citizens' learning about democratic cultures, human rights and multiculturalism, especially in divided societies. Also, it brings socially responsible leadership into intercultural and democratic dialogue and engenders peaceful social change. However, judging by the high level of crime, conflict, corruption and violence in most countries, many organizations seem to offer little by the way of a roadmap or leadership. Key terminology and goals remain confined to the intellectual or academic field. They lack the resonance to galvanize a new generation of peaceful activists. So what can be done about this decline?
There are key factors or characteristics that deepen citizen engagement in public life: First, important issues need to be identified by the public. Then, non-contentious, peaceful and non-coercive means must be used for developmental models for citizens' civic learning, democracy building, and respect for diversity and human rights, democratic dialogue, inclusiveness and social change. Also, citizens must know their cultural and political rights. Individual willingness or initiative should be accompanied by organized mobilization for the common good. And lastly the civic engagement needs to be supported by altruistic giving.
Bearing these key factors in mind, let's turn to the Gülen movement, as it is now mostly described as "hizmet," altruistic voluntary services to humanity or volunteer services. Many factors contribute to hizmet's efficacy. Papers presented at international conferences maintain that hizmet defines clearly the organization's goals. It mobilizes and puts to use effectively the available resources of people, material and ideas. It establishes legal and lawful institutions and so people and society at large take the movement's aims seriously.
Hizmet is a complex collective actor, composed of many decentralized civil society organizations and institutions pursuing similar goals but different strategies. It is argued that decisions on goals, that is, on what to do, are taken in a process of consultation, locally or in an individual project-network. The consultative process means that no one owns the services and authority in the name of hizmet as a collective actor. The efficiency of decision taking in its service networks is seen to be the constancy and richness of the interaction of many individuals.
The most important factor in its success is that non-contentious, peaceful and non-coercive means must be used for developmental models. In this aspect the Gülen movement really excels. It diffuses a discourse of dialogue, tolerance and a valuing of diversity. It has never shown any inclination whatsoever towards violence or extra-legal tactics of any kind. It has transformed the potential to use coercive means to induce changes in political systems into peaceful efforts to produce beneficial services. Hizmet is successful because of the interweaving of the service-project mentality with integrative peaceful strategies. It has convinced the public to use it’s constitutionally given rights to serve humanity positively, constructively and through self-motivated philanthropic contributions and charitable trusts.
For this reason, hizmet has become, first, a vital component in providing an alternative and barrier to egoistic interests at the expense of others and a remedy for societal discord, conflict and violence. Second, it has become one of the most significant and leading actors in the revival process towards a civil, pluralist, democratic and peaceful society.
I feel that an understanding of the Gülen movement can help to reverse the kind of decline in civic engagement that we see in many contemporary societies. It can show activists and other civic society movements how to expand their repertoire of action for societal peace and inter-civilizational cooperation. Very diverse people can come together to achieve very worthy goals. Hizmet has discovered this, reminds people of it and acts on this simple truth. For this reason, I believe that, in spite of opposition from groups that benefit from conflict between people, the Gülen movement, or hizmet, will continue peacefully and successfully in the way it always has.
Fethullah Gülen has always emphasized education, and that really lies at the core of this Hizmet movement also. To be a good Muslim really means being well educated, and to be a good Muslim who participates in modernity means being conversant and well educated in sciences, math, and modern technology. There are Gulen inspired schools in many states in the US also. The Harmony schools, which are public charter schools, are an outstanding example of what Gülen inspired have been able to accomplish in particular with respect to education. According to the most reliable information, in Texas alone there are 33 of these nationally recognized public charter schools with over 16,000 students grades K through 12. Approximately 60 percent of the kids in the Texas Harmony schools come from disadvantaged neighbourhoods and families. The schools report that they have a 100 percent graduation rate. No wonder there are 21,000 kids on the waiting list, as reported by a credible source.
Those who have followed Gulen’s world of ideas closely will see that what he wrote , preached and practiced for 30-40 years and the ideas he puts forward to this day remain consistent, and all of his works and speeches interpret (connect ) one another and gradually lead toward a main theme. He has written a veritable and mountain of references over the years, and all of these are focused on subjects like the tremors and decline of the Muslim world that has gone through the failure to represent Islam as it should be and the reasons for this, the realization of a revival in the Muslim world, the representation of true Islam, once again, on a universal scale and the basic dynamics and characteristics of the new (golden generation) generation that will carry out this duty. When viewed from this aspect, the works of Gulen all voice the same message forming a greater symphony when brought together. His magnificent work, “The Statue of Our Souls” 2 published in 2005 is a systematic and thorough expression of practical ideas he has suggested for a revival and the efforts made to actualize the same. It is revival plan for the Muslim world in thought and action and provides guidelines for, in Qur’an term,” the inheritors of the Earth.”
This writing primarily presents to us all, an overall view of the condition of the Muslim world today, and we see that wherever Muslims are to be found, there exists an unfortunate paradox. On the one hand, there has been a decline, weakness, and the masses have reached the edge of the abyss through ignorance, superstition and poverty; on the other hand, people in general are more inclined to turn to spirituality and they are struggling for revival almost everywhere . . . Everywhere one can see masses who are thirsty for the peace and security promised by Islamic teachings. The days of decline have been the constantly bleeding wound for the Muslim world for the past two centuries. The Muslims, who had once turned the world into “a dimension of Paradise,” have sacrificed their belief system, their real source of power, to this world and have lost the perfect balance they had established between the universe, humanity, and life. They rejected the heritage of a thousand years, replacing it with new, but weak, building blocks incompatible with the primordial nature of our humanity. However, it is a reality that despite of all the traumas, and chaos of the days of decline, the idea of a revival has always remained alive and well waiting in some remotest corner of the world for the desperately awaited day when it is bound to rekindle.
For the sake of a revival and repair of the broken Muslim logic, making up for deviations, and restoration of homeostasis and new healthy wholesome life, the entire Muslim world needs to go through a “resurrection.” This revival is one that will protect the origin of our faith within the width and universality promised by the flexible principles of Islam, a revival that will meet the needs of all peoples and embrace all aspects of life in every time and in every place on the planet earth.
Gulen points out that humanity, life, and the universe should be approached from a true Islamic perspective, and that it is an obligation of all Muslim societies that have pushed aside Islamic logic, thought, and actions to be encouraged toward a renewal in all its depths. Those who undertake this heavy responsibility and who help to realize a universal change should be a new type of people (a golden generation). He refers to them as “the inheritors of the Earth,” and he describes them as people who reflect the spirit of the Prophetic movement and Qur’anic morals.
In the Statue of Our Souls, Gulen describes and analyzes this renaissance that has indeed already begun. This renaissance is a process that can be realized when an entire Muslim nation returns to its own spiritual roots.
The Muslim nation that has experienced several revivals can certainly prevent diseases of egoism, passion, tardiness, fame-seeking, greed, worldliness, narrow-mindedness, and use of brute force. With exalted human values like “contentedness, courage, modesty, altruism, knowledge and virtue, and the ability to think universally”; according to Gulen, it is only then that we can say a Qur’an-oriented change brings us back to our primordial nature that would be indeed actualized.
This resurrection, or a great renaissance, is to be realized by the members of the entire Muslim nation who will partake in the same reviving spirit completely. In this way, our nation will take hold of its long-lost trust again, and aim to make the world a paradise-like place. In “The Statue of Our Souls” Gulen further analyzes the sociological and historical obstacles that stand before the re-construction of the Muslim world. He, however, never loses trust in the nation which bears the fire of a revival deep inside and feels connected to it through an eternal hope. It can be seen, in fact, that the central theme of Gulen’s writings is an exhortation to a determined self-improvement in those who are inspired by him and amongst Muslims in general. He alludes repeatedly to God’s promise to the true believers: “Before this we wrote in the Psalms, after the Message (Given to Moses): My servants, the righteous, shall inherit the earth.” (Anbiya 21:105)
Rumi (a 13th-century Muslim scholar, poet, jurist, theologian, and Sufi mystic) taught us not to ignore the doctrine of causes, not to sit around heedlessly waiting for God’s favor, but rather to exert ourselves endlessly in order to transform this broken world into the world of peace and justice, in accordance with the Will of God. Not unlike Rumi Gulen, too is being named as Rumi of today, points out that it is in this, our willing submission to the Will of God that the only true freedom is to be found, and that paradoxically it is this submission only that can free us from slavery to meaningless and ultimately destructive whim, fancy, folly and temptation. He indicates the path to freedom and eternal life, sometimes by giving us quite simple and direct instructions that can be applied in the worldly contexts in which we find ourselves, sometimes by ornate descriptions of the spiritual delights to be found on the path and at the destination, and he urges us again and again that we should, of our own free will, follow that straight path.
Gulen’s contributions are a constant incitement to that which is good and commendable to greater effort, greater knowledge, greater self-control and restraint. He reminds us that these are the qualities for which God will reward us. He reminds us of the value of patience and of how many times in the pages of the Qur’an we are urged to be patient and endure. He does not advocate and has never advocated the use of violence to attain political ends. “The days of getting things done by brute force are over,” he teaches us. “In today’s enlightened world the only way to get others to accept your ideas is by persuasion and convincing argument. Those who use brute force to reach their goals are intellectually bankrupt.”
Gulen is not an “externalist,” one who thinks that Islam can be imposed on others from without by the forceful application of Shari‘a. He wants the renewal of society to start from within the heart. While acknowledging the importance of law and order in society, he does not believe that virtue can be instilled by force or that the virtuous society is built by repression. Far from it, he protests wherever freedom is restricted unnecessarily. Gulen adheres to the Qur’an injunction that the different tribes and nations which were all made by the creator should learn from each other and hence does not reject all the technical, political and cultural aspects of Western modernity, such as democracy, parliamentary system, and scientific education. Rather he advises giving such institutions an Islamic dimension and in this way avoiding both the negative effects of a radical secularist ideology and the stagnation and fossilization of a religious society which cannot adapt to its environment.
So in externalist theories’ absence of the rest of the world makes them unfit to figure out realistic ideas of meaning. The meaning can be there only in a richly holistic and phenomenological endowed experiential world. Think about the needed background that must be there if something should make any sense. Meaning is in the narrative, in the particular beauty of poetic patterns, in the everyday exchanges of subtle conversational turns and dialogues. We must start and consistently engage with those if we would like to find the abundance enabling the true meaning. The whole phenomenological rich holistic experiential world is needed for a relevant appearance of meaning in Gulen’s approach to mutual understanding and problem solving in the world today.
In Gulen’s eyes and in his life, Islamic world is not the fragile, fossilized museum relic which radical secularists would like it to be. For him and for the many of those who agree with him it is not only vital but also our only way, our true connection with the Real, with the True, with the Source of our life. As such the injunctions of the creator in the Qur’an and Sunna and in the cosmos must be re-examined, rebuilt, restored in every age in the light of advancing knowledge and changing states. His jihad is not the dark sinful despair and desperate struggle of extremism which sees itself as pitted against a mighty enemy but effort along with the calm confidence of faith, the optimism of one who believes that God has placed in human hearts the desire for goodness and wholeness, and endowed them with understanding, and the belief that the Muslim’s task is to draw this out gently and bring it to bloom.
A major concept that occurs consistently in works of Gulen’s understanding and meaning refers particularly to the Muslim world as a whole and in the context of its role in shaping human history, as major player and representative of global peace, there is certainly more to it than just the concept of one particular nation, especially when we look at the world with his vision and the ideals of dialogue and tolerance. He addresses globally valid solutions for freedom and an honorable stand which any suppressed community could resort to. The motivating ethos behind his thought and practice as clearly manifested in numerous dialogue activities and education initiatives is one of a worldwide peace which will be accomplished by the participation of all nations. His definition of nation does not comprise one race; Muslim world historically throughout history has always been a land of diverse ethnic groups, which must join in one united civilization today. Exempted from any chauvinist characteristic and imperialism, he addresses the colorful mosaic of the globe, which is like a crucible for all of peoples and humanity on this planet.
Finally, as one of the most significant thinkers and activists of Turkey, and certainly of the modern Muslim world, Gulen has also concerned himself throughout his life’s works with finding and enacting solutions for the tremendous sense of strain, alienation, weakness, defeat, and disintegration felt in the Muslim world since the fall of the Ottoman State at the beginning of the twentieth century. Unlike many other Muslim leaders, however, he neither denies reality nor turns his back on modernity, nor does he fall into bitterness, incomprehension and fury, but rather he exhorts Muslims to educate themselves, control themselves and use their own resources to regain and restore their culture, their identity and the observance of their true belief system. His is essentially a message of peace and hope, a message that is best conveyed in “The Statue of Our Souls” one of his outstanding works.
Many Western analysts and media outlets are attempting to force categorize the Tunisian and Arab and Muslim world uprising as either a secular demand for democracy (which we should therefore support) or a religious revolution (which we should fear and try to stop). Neither depiction captures the complexity or the opportunity of such a historical moment. To truly partner with the masses of the Muslim world, as President Obama recently had promised, U.S. policymakers must first develop a far more sophisticated understanding of Muslim aspirations.
Ordinary Muslim masses and their growing sense of self worth fuels the current popular anti-government uprising, not any political ideology or charismatic leader. It is a belief that citizenship should no longer have to endure the daily humiliation of economic and political stagnation. The protesters represent a wide cross section of these societies who demand justice, as they call for Muslim-non Muslim solidarity. They wave national flags, not specific opposition party banners or sectarian symbols.
At the same time, Muslim world’s rising religiosity may very well play a constructive role in this development, just as faith often animated America’s own civil rights struggle. If Tunisia's success story was the match that ignited regional domino effect and popular uprising, decreased tolerance for injustice -- in some cases born out of a religious reawakening -- provided the fuel. Gallup found that Egyptians are the most likely in the region to move toward greater democracy that would help Muslims progress, and the most likely to agree that attachment to spiritual and moral values would similarly lead to a brighter future. This duality stands strong in the country with the highest percentage of people in the world affirming that religion is an important part of their daily lives. Surveys show that Egyptians prefer democracy over all other forms of government. They also say that religion in public sphere plays a positive role in politics.
The majorities of Muslims around the globe wants democracy and see no contradiction between the change they seek and the timeless values to which they surrender. More than 90 percent of Egyptians say they would guarantee freedom of the press if it were up to them to write a constitution for a new and democratic country. Moreover, most Egyptians say they favor nothing more than a contributory and positive role for religious leaders in the crafting of legislation. Egyptians choose democracy informed by sacred values, not theocracy with a democratic veneer.

U.S. policy makers would do well to embrace this nuance, which to us as Americans should sound familiar. From abolitionists to the civil rights movement, American leaders have drawn inspiration from their faith in their pursuit of justice. Today, some of the loudest voices in the United States calling for environmental preservation, an end to torture or global poverty eradication are faith leaders. We American Muslims have witnessed this first hand when we see Muslim intellectuals serving on the White House Faith Based and Neighborhood Partnerships advisory council. Religious and secular leaders and scholars from different backgrounds sit at one table to find solutions to our country's toughest challenges, each drawing on their individual ethical tradition for the common good of our citizens.
Our country's unique history and passion for social justice makes us natural partners to the peoples of the Middle East in their own struggles for a better future. Moreover, there is hunger on both sides for greater cooperation. Gallup surveys found that the majority of both Americans and Muslims around the globe say greater interaction between Muslims and the West is a benefit not a threat, despite Muslim street disapproval of U.S. policies in their regions.
The continuing popular protests in the most influential and populated Arab/Muslim country may represent the future of the Middle East and the Muslim world. U.S. policy makers cannot afford to alienate freedom movements by failing to understand its intricacies. Faith is an important part of Muslim culture everywhere, and yet most Muslims do not support the rule of clerics. They seek the rule of law.
Democracy, as it comes to the Arab and the Muslim world, won't look like what emerged in Eastern Europe in the wake of the 1989 revolutions. Without exception of any Muslim nation, moderate Islam, not necessarily its aberration is a major positive cultural feature and a way of life in the global Islamic landscape. Washington and the West should stop fearing minority radical trends exaggerated by dictatorial local leaders who have been supported by the West.
Turkey has emerged as a stable democracy, a growing global economy, and a major foreign policy player. Indonesia, the world's most populous Muslim country, is now the largest economy in Southeast Asia and the 18th-largest economy in the world. In both cases, Islamic-influenced parties played key roles in their transformational process. They did not use democratic means to then undermine democracy in any way, as some had feared. They played by the rules during the elections and then observed those rules once in power while genuine Islam shines in the public sphere playing a constructive role.
As a new period in 21st century has opened up, Washington and the West must encourage -- and not simply accept -- the participation of true Islam’s innovative and positive contributions to civil societies locally and globally. Except for very few aberrations of Islam ,moderate Islam has no destructive political power but individual and collective humanizing transformative capacities that will would not only push the jihadist appeal (a distortion) further to the margins of Muslim cultural life and also would demonstrate American sincerity in truly supporting democracy in the Muslim world. It will just usher in a new era of genuine reform in a region badly in need of meaningful political and social change.

References:
1- Abdullahi Ahmed An-Na'im, Islam and the Secular State: Negotiating the Future of Shari'a. Cambridge, MA and London, England: Harvard University Press (2008).
2- M. Fethullah Gülen, the Statue of Our Souls: Revival in Islamic Thought and Activism. The Light, Inc.Somerset, New Jersey, 08873, USA.